Thursday, September 28, 2006

In a Thousand Years

Here, posted in full, is Hans Christian Andersen's In a Thousand Years, a short story:

YES, in a thousand years people will fly on the wings of steam through the air, over the ocean! The young inhabitants of America will become visitors of old Europe. They will come over to see the monuments and the great cities, which will then be in ruins, just as we in our time make pilgrimages to the tottering splendors of Southern Asia. In a thousand years they will come!

The Thames, the Danube, and the Rhine still roll their course, Mont Blanc stands firm with its snow-capped summit, and the Northern Lights gleam over the land of the North; but generation after generation has become dust, whole rows of the mighty of the moment are forgotten, like those who already slumber under the hill on which the rich trader, whose ground it is, has built a bench, on which he can sit and look out across his waving corn fields.

“To Europe!” cry the young sons of America; “to the land of our ancestors, the glorious land of monuments and fancy—to Europe!”

The ship of the air comes. It is crowded with passengers, for the transit is quicker than by sea. The electro-magnetic wire under the ocean has already telegraphed the number of the aerial caravan. Europe is in sight. It is the coast of Ireland that they see, but the passengers are still asleep; they will not be called till they are exactly over England. There they will first step on European shore, in the land of Shakespeare, as the educated call it; in the land of politics, the land of machines, as it is called by others.

Here they stay a whole day. That is all the time the busy race can devote to the whole of England and Scotland. Then the journey is continued through the tunnel under the English Channel, to France, the land of Charlemagne and Napoleon. Moliere is named, the learned men talk of the classic school of remote antiquity. There is rejoicing and shouting for the names of heroes, poets, and men of science, whom our time does not know, but who will be born after our time in Paris, the centre of Europe, and elsewhere.

The air steamboat flies over the country whence Columbus went forth, where Cortez was born, and where Calderon sang dramas in sounding verse. Beautiful black-eyed women live still in the blooming valleys, and the oldest songs speak of the Cid and the Alhambra.

Then through the air, over the sea, to Italy, where once lay old, everlasting Rome. It has vanished! The Campagna lies desert. A single ruined wall is shown as the remains of St. Peter’s, but there is a doubt if this ruin be genuine.

Next to Greece, to sleep a night in the grand hotel at the top of Mount Olympus, to say that they have been there; and the journey is continued to the Bosphorus, to rest there a few hours, and see the place where Byzantium lay; and where the legend tells that the harem stood in the time of the Turks, poor fishermen are now spreading their nets.

Over the remains of mighty cities on the broad Danube, cities which we in our time know not, the travellers pass; but here and there, on the rich sites of those that time shall bring forth, the caravan sometimes descends, and departs thence again.

Down below lies Germany, that was once covered with a close net of railway and canals, the region where Luther spoke, where Goethe sang, and Mozart once held the sceptre of harmony. Great names shine there, in science and in art, names that are unknown to us. One day devoted to seeing Germany, and one for the North, the country of Oersted and Linnaeus, and for Norway, the land of the old heroes and the young Normans. Iceland is visited on the journey home. The geysers burn no more, Hecla is an extinct volcano, but the rocky island is still fixed in the midst of the foaming sea, a continual monument of legend and poetry.

“There is really a great deal to be seen in Europe,” says the young American, “and we have seen it in a week, according to the directions of the great traveller” (and here he mentions the name of one of his contemporaries) “in his celebrated work, ‘How to See All Europe in a Week.’”

Wednesday, September 27, 2006

Danger In The Heartland

Please read the link to an ABC News story if you are as repulsed as I am, or, even if you are not, please send comments. Any politicization of ideology is deadly and far beyond the outskirts of danger. People like Ann Coulter and Bill O'Reilly, those who think in simplistic arguments, often employing false choices rather than genuine and generous attempts at reconciliation, no doubt - to be sure - support this "Jesus Camp." If only this camp were such. Islam is a deadly religion, one enormously political at heart, but there are Muslims who understand and practice their faith with what one could call universal human values. This camp is a cancer on North Dakota, a cancer on the essence of Christianity, and an invective in the face of Christ Himself. Shame on its proprietors.

http://abcnews.go.com/WNT/story?id=2455343&page=1

Saturday, September 23, 2006

"Sewing Lesson"

In an effort to expand The Information Processor into a more comprehensive cultural outlet - a blogzine, if you will, a la Harper's and The New Republic - we here at TIP are pleased to announce the addition of short fiction, poetry, and film culture as newly added mainstays. For those interested in submitting short stories, poetry, or film writing, please email either Aristides or Godysseus with submissions. Qualified entries will be posted based on merit and excellence. We at TIP look forward to a new stage in the ever-evolving process of providing the highest quality blogzine to the global community. We sincerely appreciate your support while we attempt to transition into the future of our own small place in the blogosphere.
  • What follows is a short story written by Godysseus upon the first anniversary of September 11th. (2002)
"Maybe it's always cold here."

Today is the 15th of December. Kate and I stand on an observation deck made of plywood.
We have been around this place before, almost two years ago. January of 2000 was especially
cold, because on that crisp morning we stood up there with our friend Marco, outside, looking down over the sunken patches of sunlight that blanketed the whole grid. Kate squeezed my hand that afternoon and we stood high above the bottom of winter. We both wore wool mittens. My coat was also wool, gray and snug. She whispered across her own visible breath and gripped the white metal railing with her left hand, gripped it so tightly I imagined her hand painted the very same creamy pallor inside the wool mitten: "The city looks like it's being seen for the first time, doesn't it?"

Some Japanese tourists smiled and took pictures around us, with Ellis Island prominent far
below in the background of their final group photo.
"Yes," I said, nearly twenty years old and convinced that my life was as perfectible as Manhattan's sprawl, seen as it was, then, from above. "It always does this time of day."
***
Marco made me his friend the summer after my freshman year, the summer of 1999. He was my roommate in Munich that summer and we took German language courses in the city. He had just graduated from college and was an exemplary Italian, and his post-collegiate priorities revolved more around sleeping with native speakers than speaking to them. Through his impassioned lectures to me about confidence and the Calvino cool, I learned a lot about women. "Stick with Calvino and Murakami, women love stories about unhappy couples and birds." We both grew to love the oddly correct asymmetry of every German woman's face, and we read Kafka aloud in angry, hyperbolically Germanic accents in the English Garden and drank cheap Burgundy until we fell asleep and awoke sunburned, happy. Marco set a goal to grow his hair out in the manner of Hugh Grant. The summer's end came like a Munich dawn, slapping us too soon with the stinging lull of late August. We promised to stay in touch and he wished me luck in my second year at Yale. He told me I could visit him in New York as soon as he found an apartment. "We'll waste a day with the tourist thing, just to be corny," he said at his gate in the Frankfurt airport as we said our goodbyes. "Twin Towers and all that rot."
***
It is getting closer to Christmas and Kate is an echoing cave. Her skin is gray, ghostly, tonight.
She knows better, not wearing enough layers in this hypothermic cold. Three months ago she
took a home pregnancy test and called me in a stranger's voice. I ran across campus to her
room to hold her and tell her I would do everything I could. In my solar plexus I felt a sick relief when she told me it was okay, she was going to do everything she could. Her appointment at the clinic (she insisted on calling the entire procedure an "appointment") was on a Tuesday, the 11th of September, at 9:30 AM. Everything went according to plan. Since then she has slept often and laughed less. She thought going into New York in December would make her fell better because of an article she read a month ago in The New York Times Magazine. The article was about apartments in the city and how they record personal narratives, how everyone has their own personalized New York and how everything in the city, even the most obscure Chinese restaurant, means millions of things in millions of unknowable ways. The phrase that gave Kate trouble as she read the article to me aloud was "eight million private New Yorks." That phrase made me dizzy and I climbed out of bed to open the slanted window in my dorm room. I stuck my head outside into a November wind that barely penetrated the purple silences between the naked elms and gothic spires. Snow dust blew softly onto the planks of my filthy hardwood floor. Stepping over overdue library books I asked Kate if she thought what we had done in September was wrong. She did not answer but mumbled something about flowers for my room. She kept mumbling something I couldn't understand. At last I understood. "Baby's breath," she she half-sang holding herself and trembling, unable to weep while watching the plumes of her cracked voice undulate through the morning ether. "Baby's breath is impossible to find in winter, isn't it?..."
***
Right now we take a cab toward Fifth Avenue to pretend we are inside a Meg Ryan vehicle, able to stroll casually with the other private New Yorkers on the sidewalk as we hide in glowing storefront auras and wait for something good to happen. Ten minutes later we are walking until Kate stops short in front of The Gap and begins laughing for no good reason.

"You're wearing the coat."

"Of course I am," I say in a voice full of false dignity, "this is my favorite coat of all the coats I've ever known, or owned, for that matter." I grin and notice it.

"But it looks so ridiculous!" She nearly screams through her laughter. "You're missing the top button again! Didn't I sew it back on?"

Kate always looks surprised when she laughs this hard - her blond eyebrows retreat high into her forehead - and I am in love with her for it. She is correct, however. I am missing the top button, and when I wear the coat buttoned as I do now, I look shabby and defeated, as though I am trying earnestly to be someone I am not and have missed the mark by a single forgotten detail.

"I still remember you chasing after it," she gasps above intermittent bouts of laughter. "That Saturday on top of the Tower. You nearly knocked Marco and his girlfriend over the railing when you ran after it that day. Remember? When was that? God, it's been two years, hasn't it?"

She has stopped laughing now.

I do remember.

"It fell out of nowhere," I begin numbly, "one minute I felt it beneath my thumb, rolling it around on the coat as we looked over the city - Christ Kate it was so golden, even the shadows were radiant that day, weren't they? - and the next minute it was gone," I hear myself say, suddenly afraid of disappearing. "The thread that held it was barely there, like fabric softener, and it felt so insubstantial against my thumb, shocking, almost grotesque, like an exposed vein. When it hit the concrete I heard it. Loud. I ran after that button because...because I had to, like if I didn't get it back it would become some intolerable absence, irreplaceable. Bizarre, wasn't it?" I ask Kate, wondering if she notices how scared I am. "Getting so upset over a stupid button."

Kate yawns a cat yawn and pulls me gently into her arms. "Well...you know. Those metallic buttons with designs carved into them are just about impossible to replace. One of a kind. Like me," she says smiling. "Where is it now though?"

She needs small, believable answers like hand-held TV sets. "I sewed it back on for you," she says in a feline voice to match her yawn. "Did you really lose it this time?"

She is tall, almost 5'11", and I do not have to look too far down to feel the bedrock of her porcelain gaze. Before answering I pause and glance at the right sleeve of my gray wool coat. In relief to Kate's hips, shopping bags form a temporary transient life-paper. Suddenly a stroller passes cradling a baby wrapped in an overabundance of warm things. Then an oversized bag from FAO Schwartz.

"Yeah, I lost it," I say, "walking to class at the beginning of the semester. When I realized it was gone and went back to look for it I couldn't find it. Almost as if it vanished, but it didn't matter."

"Oh," she says. "Well if you leave the coat undone no one will notice it's gone." Kate smiles and sighs and starts moving again. "Here," she says, "stand close to me. I'll keep you warm and you'll keep your dignity."

Both of us make a sound like laughter.

We walk down Fifth Avenue in a lateral embrace, unsure whether what we keep doing is called nostalgia or despair, or if there can be a difference for us anymore.

***

"Listen, you're coming into the city to meet Mary, the Scottish one I told you about."

Marco called me out of the blue the first week of the new millennium. He hadn't spoken or written a word to me since our summer farewell at the Frankfurt airport. Now he was calling me for the first time in the new thousand years and wanting me to meet another girl he would most cetainly not marry. "Good," I thought, "there's someone I want him to meet too."

Kate comes from Boston and told me she hated New Orleans when we first met at a party in the fall of my sophomore year. Being from New Orleans I told her I way sympathetic, and that aside from the exquisite food and the aboveground cemeteries, I hated it as well.

By the time I got Marco's phone call that January morning, Kate and I were already living as one, entangled in an undiscovered glade, both of us incapable of imagining a version of reality wherein the other was not present and necessary, like an elbow or kneecap. We were between semesters and had nothing but not-yet time for a week. Dorm sex when no one was around to appreciate our efforts resounded with a hollowing emptiness. An vacant campus filled vacant hours, so we decided to burn some of them in New York with Marco and Mary. Maybe see some corny tourist sites like corny tourists. The Twin Towers and all that rot.

"That's a nice look for you, Sinatra!" Marco yelled at me across the dank main atrium in Penn Station later that day. It was almost noon. Kate laughed. My black turtleneck and gray knit pants went well with the gray wool coat, though, even if the ensemble boasted an urbanity I could never pull off around people who knew me well. "You must be Mary," I said to Mary, the Scottish waif Marco mentioned in Munich whom he had dreamed of seducing since their senior year together at boarding school.

Mary's outfit was smart and sober. She seemed prepared for a longer day than the rest of us. Her tartan skirt made me acutely aware of how cold the air was around my earlobes. Marco looked robust and happier than usual. His hair style resembled Hugh Grant's more than ever, and he wore horn-rimmed eyeglasses that added years of unearned learning to to his expression, as though Anna Karinina has always made sense to him in all of her complexity and desires, even though I knew he had never once cracked the novel.

"I was thinking we'd do Central Park first, since we're likely to be murdered there if we linger too long after lunch, and then maybe the Twin Towers after that?" His arms moved around in sweeping circles, wild gesticulations that were far too energetic for a tourist-day in the city. We all laughed at the irony.

Marco's infectious mania for making it through the day never failed to mesmerize everyone around him. On the subway Kate said to me, "It's like he's a personality phoenix, melting himself down from one outburst to the next and then instantly regenerating." The park was exhiliharating and Marco wasted no time in comparing it to the English Garden in Munich. He pranced up to a woman walking a labrador retriever and began quoting the first sentence of The Metamorphosis in German. Kate and Mary laughed aloud and I realized how much I had missed him. Around two o'clock we entered the subway and took the E train to the end-stop in lower Manhattan.

In the rear corner of the elevator at One World Trade Center - on the way up to the observation deck, uncomfortable and cramped behind Japanese tourists and a youth group from Mississippi whose hooded sweatshirts shared a comforting message - God Is Good: All The Time, in navy bold print - Marco told me he was considering changing jobs.

"I hate it at Deutsche Bank. There are a handful of women there worth taking home, but mostly it's a den of workaholics, no sense of humor. Guys who think it's odd that I talk to my parents in Italian and watch soccer matches every other weekend in the same Midtown bar."

"What about a job in Rome? You always talked about going home, meeting some Roman woman with the crows-feet Gucci pumps and the - how did you put it exactly - 'embattled way of walking down the street?'"

His face made a smirk that said he was proud of me for keeping up.

"Believe it or not," he said, "I'll be here in two moths."

"No you won't."

"I'm serious! Remember Emanual, he graduated in my class and you met him last summer? The guy whose father owns that restaurant in Beverly Hills I was telling you about? Well he works at a hedge fund in this building on the 90th floor. We should stop and see him if we can after we're done at the top. Anyway, he said getting me a gig would be an afterthought. Imagine that view. Imagine making love to a bellisima against a window with that view in relief." He paused, and then, "Performance art, through and through! Living, writhing frescoes!"

We both cracked up and I punched him hard in the shoulder.

The elevator opened into an enclosed lobby that wound in a contiguous rectangle around the inner walls of the observation deck. We stepped through the royal blue lobby into the solid brightness outside. Marco desposited a quarter into a viewing apparatus and declared he could see my innocence shivering far away atop the roof of an apartment highrise on the Upper West Side. "Better go get it back," he joked. Of course I laughed. Kate laughed too.

And then I ran my fingertips across the small disc of metal on my coat. It felt noble and textured in the cold. Marco held Mary as they looked into the future, private futures they could weigh privately in public. He must have seen it scrawled in sunlight like a miracle on the contorted faces of steel and glass far across the island - imperfect and near, enormous and remote. New York as Fitzgerald dreamed of seeing the New World, somehow unspoiled and shimmering in possibility. Skyscrapers and ghettoes stood still below us like uncut spruce forests as the base of an Alaskan mountain.

We were anxious because we knew our lives were scattered and hiding in the shadows of streets across the city. The streets we could not see, the ones we risked never finding as each late afternoon awoke inside the belly of the next. Daylight to unfelt darkness to daylight again. The Japanese tourists didn't even try to stop the reflex - they just smiled out of an ancient biological duty. Kate's cheeks were flushed because she was cold and in love with the idea of the rest of her life feeling like it did at that moment, clear and pure and high atop the 110th story.

When the button fell, I heard it hit the concrete before I felt it was gone.

Thursday, September 21, 2006

Towards Munich

The year 1938 is often bandied about by pundits--and more recently, by politicians--as a warning to the present. Various analogies are posited, and metaphors extended, and the reader or listener is left with the impression that we are on the verge of another great war, another global conflagration catalyzed by the flammable admixture of unmoderated extremism and Western appeasement.

1938 was, of course, the year of Munich--a city-name transmogrified by historical actors into an infamous epithet. It was here, at the birthplace of the Nazi party, where Neville Chamberlain famously bought "peace in our time" with an act of desperate and humiliating compromise. Posterity would define Munich as an attempt to satiate an unsatiable crocodile--with hindsight judging Chamberlain a failure because he bought neither peace nor time in his effort to appease the territorial hunger of Adolph Hitler. This judgment is fair, though simplistically unkind, and has utility, in that it gave us a needful maxim: "Do not appease evil."

It might be said that the Munich we have come to internalize is Hitler's Munich. This is the Munich of Western weakness and democratic decadence, the Munich that gave a tyrant the confidence and validation to move forward with his designs. We deride Munich precisely insofar as it was a message of invitation, a green light, as it were, alerting Hitler that the road had been cleared of all Western resolve and that he could proceed apace. In our popular understanding, we focus solely on the calculational impact of appeasement on the apperception of a willing and voracious foe. This is what we mean when we speak of Munich.

Kissinger speaks eloquently of the derived definition of Munich:
Munich has entered our vocabulary as a specific aberration--the penalty of yielding to blackmail. Munich, however, was not a single act but the culmination of an attitude which began in the 1920's and accelerated with each new concession...Munich, therefore, was not a surrender but a state of mind and the nearly inevitable outgrowith of the democracies' effort to sustain a geopolitically flawed settlement with rhetoric about collective security and self-determination.

Accordingly, the history of Munich is now used to warn against appeasing the Mullahs, to underscore the insanity of allowing Iran to acquire nuclear weapons. While I agree with the fundamental thrust of the historical comparison--that Iran's nuclear ambitions must be met with strength and resolve--I'd like to highlight another detail that tends to hide in the analogical shadows of Munich 1938.

I want to address the issue of redlines. Here's Kissinger again, on what led up to Munich:
The situation was as if made to order for Hitler's talent in waging psychological warfare. Throughout the summer, he worked to magnify hysteria about an imminent war without, in fact, making any specific threat...Chamberlain's nerves snapped. Though no formal demands had been made and no real diplomatic exchanges had taken place, Chamberlain decided to end the tension on September 15 by visiting Hitler.

Chamberlain was not quixotic. He was driven to attempt negotiation because he could not, in good conscience, allow a war to break out without trying every honorable means at his disposal to avert it. Munich, was, in this respect, a last gamble on Hitler's reason. But Hitler was not interested in being reasonable:
Hitler showed his disdain by choosing Berchtesgaden as the meeting place--the location in Germany farthest from London and the least accessible...

At Bad Godesberg on September 22, Hitler raised the ante and made it clear that he sought the abject humiliation of Czechoslovakia...When Chamberlain objected to being presented with an ultimatum, Hitler snidely pointed to the word "memorandum" typed on top of his presentation. After hours of acrimonious argument, Hitler made another "concession": he would give Czechoslovakia until 2:00 P.M. on September 28 to reply, and until October 1 to begin withdrawing from the Sudeten territory.

Both British and French leaders rejected outright this proposal, and war looked imminent. But at the eleventh hour Mussolini stepped in and gave everybody a glimmer of hope that this disaster could be diverted. Mussolini suggested a meeting at Munich to work out the differences, and the rest, as the cliche goes, is history. The Western powers publically hailed the Munich agreement as a triumph, and congratulated each other on their shrewd and timely diplomacy.

But more than one Rubicon was crossed that day:
Paradoxically, Munich turned into the psychological end of the line for Hitler's strategy.

This was especially true of Great Britain. By his conduct at Bad Godesberg and Munich, Hitler used up the last reserves of British goodwill. Despite his fatuous statement of having brought "peace for our time," when he returned to London, Chamberlain was determined never to be blackmailed again, and launched a major rearmament program.

Hitler's blunder was not so much to have violated historic principles of equilibrium as to have offended the moral premises of British postwar foreign policy...Great Britain's patience was neither inexhaustible nor the result of a weak national character; and Hitler had, at last, fulfilled the British public's moral definition of aggression...From that point on, Great Britain would resist Hitler not in order to comply with historic theories of equilibrium, but, quite simply, because Hitler could not longer be trusted.

Ironically, the Wilsonian approach to international relations, which had facilitated Hitler's advances beyond what any previous European system would have considered acceptable, after a certain point also caused Great Britain to draw the line more rigorously than it would have in a world based on Realpolitik. If Wilsonianism had prevented earlier resistance to Hitler, it also laid the foundation for implacable opposition to him once its moral criteria had been unambiguously violated.

There is, then, another lesson of 1938, one the Iranians would do well to heed.

Images from the hostage crisis in 1979, Ahmadinejad's threats to Israel, and Iranian bad faith in the negotiations over its nuclear program--not to mention the rising distrust of all things Islam in the West--have probably already pushed the American public past the point of no return, past the point of reasonable interlocutor searching for common ground, to a position of implacable hostility. Recent polls support this theory.

Bush has been clear about American intent: we "will not accept" and "will not allow" Iran to have a nuclear weapon. Iran has decided to dismiss this clear warning, and, through its negotiational perfidy, has squandered the last vestige of our trust.

There is much worry about us appeasing Iran. The other lesson of Munich is that Iran might have lost its ability to appease us.

Wednesday, September 20, 2006

About a Revolution

We see Three Worlds. After reading his speech at the UN, it is clear that Ahmadinejad sees Three Estates. Ahmadinejad proclaims:
By causing war and conflict, some are fast expanding their domination, accumulating greater wealth and usurping all the resources, while others endure the resulting poverty, suffering and misery...The fundamental question is that under such conditions, where should the oppressed seek justice? Who, or what organization defends the rights of the oppressed, and suppresses acts of aggression and oppression?

Some permanent members of the Security Council, even when they are themselves parties to international disputes, conveniently threaten others with the Security Council and declare, even before any decision by the Council, the condemnation of their opponents by the Council. The question is: what can justify such exploitation of the Security Council, and doesn't it erode the credibility and effectiveness of the Council?

Apparently the Security Council can only be used to ensure the security and the rights of some big powers.

On May 28, 1789, the Three Estates of France reached an impasse. The Third Estate, no longer satisfied with unequal representation and no longer willing to submit to the decrees of the unelected noblesse de robe, moved to solve the question of power once and for all. On June 13, the representatives (Communes) of the Third Estate put forth their plan of "equality and justice", but, inevitably, it was rejected by the privileged and powerful. Undeterred, the Third Estate unilaterally "verified" its own power and, a few days later, the Communes gave the oath heard round the world. Locked out of the Assembly by the King, the oath rang forth from, of all places, a tennis court. On a hot summer day at Versailles, France's historical losers swore "never to separate, and to meet wherever circumstances demand, until the constitution of the kingdom is established and affirmed on solid foundations."

Two hundred and seventeen years later, the same banner has been raised. But this time the stage is global, and the stakes are complete. Ahmadinejad "the Incorruptible" has brought the issue to the fore:
The question needs to be asked: if the Governments of the United States or the United Kingdom who are permanent members of the Security Council, commit aggression, occupation and violation of international law, which of the organs of the UN can take them to account? Can a Council in which they are privileged members address their violations? Has this ever happened? In fact, we have repeatedly seen the reverse. If they have differences with a nation or state, they drag it to the Security Council and as claimants, arrogate to themselves simultaneously the roles of prosecutor, judge and executioner. Is this a just order? Can there be a more vivid case of discrimination and more clear evidence of injustice?

This is an argument meant to destroy--an argument, once uttered, that cannot be euthanized. Soon, Ahmadinejad's lone voice will turn into Thirty. They will ask in unison, "Why not us?", and we will have no answer.

The unholy alliance of Grievance, Jealousy and Islam has become geopolitical. Welcome to the Revolution:
1st. What is the third estate? Everything.
2nd. What has it been heretofore in the political order? Nothing.
3rd. What does it demand? To become something therein.

You can't argue with that. Can you?

Monday, September 18, 2006

A Gaslight in History's Basement

This is what happened, as told by fools and freaks and the faithful, this is what happened at Royal Albert Hall in South Kensington on May 26, 1966. A world-historical force in the skin-tight suit of a tonic-selling minstrel, a changeling event embodied, was about to take the stage and recalibrate the subtly pernicious rules of the Folk – a granitic demographic whose milieu, as Greil Marcus documents in his subterranean history The Old, Weird America: The World of Bob Dylan’s Basement Tapes, "was that of the folk revival – an arena of native tradition and national metaphor, of self-discovery and self-invention…it was a place of the spirit, where authenticity in song and manner, in being, was the highest value – the value against which all forms of discourse, all attributes inherited or assumed, were measured." The man left his dressing room as on so many other previously overdetermined nights, more than willing to, initially, proffer what his expectant constituency, a constituency that considered the man to be the very mouthpiece of the totality of their value system, a man whose voice was a sort of communal univocal device that promised to sustain and, if need be, revaluate musty values and reinvent new ones. This is what happened, partially told as anything can be that irrevocably lapses into the omnivorous lapsed-ness of the Past – the man was prepared and willing to take the stage and alter the foundation not only of folk and its disingenuous ideology, but reinvent that ideology and transform it with a single song, backed by a band comprising mostly ubur-talented Canadians and a single brilliant Arkansan, a band called the Hawks, about to rise aloft into the nebulous stratosphere of best-rock ‘n roll-band in the world. Marcus adds with a tingling necessity: "He knew that when he sang his folk songs – most of them no more folk songs than a Maytag washing machine, except unlike a Maytag washing machine, they didn’t require electricity – a few older numbers, to please the crowd, or tease it, but mainly those long, odd songs than no longer made anyone laugh, "Visions of Johanna," "Mr. Tambourine Man," "Desolation Row," when he stood still, picked strings, and appeared as any singer might have appeared in the years or centuries before him, the people in the audience would show respect, even approval. He knew that when he finished the set, left, and came back with the Hawks …the trouble would start; the problem was, he never knew just when it would start." Sure enough, it did start, as soon as Bob Dylan began singing Leopard- Skin Pillbox- Hat. The cascading sound of the resultant indignation was caustic, cruel, and unfair: as visually documented in Martin Scorsese’s masterful 2005 cobbled-collage of the early Dylan, keying on footage in recursive "flashbacks" to the event, the first salvos from the folk "faithful" were launched. This is what they sounded like, from the young U.K. mass (an arguably cancerous mass through the 20/20 hindsight of History) full of screams and terror and petulance: "TRAITOR! SELL-OUT! MOTHERFUCKER! YOU’RE NOT BOB DYLAN." Stop. Any kind of history, subterranean and homesick or otherwise, must begin at the beginning.

Marcus sets up the tone and time of when this cultural cavity began to form: "It began at the Newport Folk Festival without any plan. On June 15, in New York City, Dylan had recorded "Like a Rolling Stone" with a band that included New Yorker Al Kooper on organ and Chicagoan Mike Bloomfield, of the Paul Butterfield Blues Band, on lead guitar…the notion of a festival surprise seemed irresistible. Electric music had never been played at Newport…but the equipment was there…backstage Pete Seeger and the great ethnomusicologist Alan Lomax attempted to cut the band’s power cables with an axe…the band moved into a slow, stately introduction to "Like a Rolling Stone" – which immediately regressed almost to its studio beginnings as a waltz."

To hear, or, more viscerally, to see the performance of "Like a Rolling Stone" – with Dylan’s heretofore acolytes ready to murder him in this oddly anglicized Roman venue – is a form of a-historical apostasy. From Dylan’s preternatural readiness to his demand of Rick Danko – "Play it fucking loud," a new era was birthed between the abyss of those who would, as a de facto reflex, equate art with life and life with art, and the men on the stage, the heroes to history and the enemy of what Folk had meant to that very moment, a moment exploded with, literally, the electricity of a new age, a new genre, a new era. Listening (and, better, watching) the performance is an exercise, a fire-drill for the apocalypse, between what stood beyond downstage – stolid adherents to a form that no longer had any viability with Dylan’s agenda and Dylan’s age – and what fronted the abyss on-stage, the radicalism of a cultural transmogrification, one necessary and painful to birth but, nonetheless, indispensable.
From the first wails of the organ cueing Dylan’s biggest and longest song, nothing less than the world and the presumptive identity of what he and the Hawks were capable of was unleashed to those not yet ready to understand why it was necessary, why no other possibility could have unlocked a freedom latent and hidden in the Folk movements and revival so potent and leveling, so immediate and incandescent.

Marcus makes note of the species of phenomenon transpiring before everyone present at the performance – "One could make oneself up as Bob Dylan did – creating a persona that caught Charlie Chaplin, James Dean, and Lenny Bruce in talk and gesture. Woody Guthrie and the French symbolists in writing, and perhaps most deeply such nearly forgotten 1920s stylists as mountaineer balladeer Dock Boggs and New Orleans blues singer Rabbit Brown in voice – but only if, whatever one’s sources, the purest clay was always evident, real American red earth." To quote a line from "Ballad of a Thin Man," Dylan’s masterful track from Highway 61 Revisited: "Because something is happening here / But you don’t know what it is / Do you, Mister Jones?" Marcus cites historian Robet Cantwell’s words from 1993, to bring it all back home: The folk revival "made the romantic claim of folk culture – oral, immediate, traditional, idiomatic, communal, a culture of characters, of rights, obligations, and beliefs, against a centrist, specialist, impersonal, technocratic culture, a culture of types, functions, jobs, and goals." If "Like a Rolling Stone" turned these claims on its head, it is because the song has nothing to do with those claims held so dear to the folk community that, perhaps, made the mistake of casting Dylan as the Moses figure of the revival itself. If anything, "Like a Rolling Stone" is a fuck-you speedball waltz into an age of total war, an age of national security states and the imperative of a retreat into some form of solipsism, not the solipsism of the nihilist punk-rockers who would arrive decades later privately threatening to end the world with a needle in the zeitgeist’s vein, but a solipsism all its own, a solipsism of nothing less than identity in the most American idiom. Again Marcus’ commentary is essential – "As Bob Dylan sang…he embodied a yearning for peace and home in the midst of noise and upheaval, and in the aesthetic reflection of that embodiment located both peace and home in the purity of, the essential goodness, of each listener’s heart." Dylan’s sound was the sound of "another country, – a country that, once glimpsed from afar, could be felt within oneself. That was the folk revival."

And yet something had to give; if, as Marcus claims convincingly, that the "social movement…emerged out of the aggressively American Communist Party, the ideology of the Popular Front, and the vast and fecund art projects of the New Deal," then why did the chameleonic Dylan feel the need to (literally) electrify his sound and identity in order to progress beyond such ostensibly noble boundaries? Without doubt the folk revival was concomitant with the world-historic flow of the Civil Rights Movement, "something much bigger, more dangerous, and more important," whence came its indomitable moral energy, its refusal to lose what Destiny decreed to be won. It was 1963 when the Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., channeled all the genius not only of Christianity and the peace-upholding core-dictums of all faiths of the world, but brought that selfsame world to its knees with his flawless and immortal speech in Washington, D.C.:

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, and the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord will be revealed and all flesh will see it together.

If only Dr. King could have foreseen the disintegrating aftermath that history held in store for his sublime dream, if only he could have felt in some remote region of his GI tract the doomed shards of the "identity politics" to come, the claim of myriad segmented factions and academics – cults, in essence – that would expropriate his Ideal and mutate that same Ideal into the self-serving bile of willful self-victimization, a tongue-in-cheek celebration of the separation from the community of "all flesh" that King glimpsed in valleys now nearly unimaginable; if he could have had even sensed the slightest inkling of what was to come, we must ask a painful question: would he still have spoken those sacred words? Would the stakes have been worth it? Would he have had the heart to speak the notion of an identity which the inhabitants of the age to come would lacerate and rape, disfigure, until the originary perfection of what lay beyond his beatific valleys had become an eyesore on par with a metaphysical exit off of the New Jersey Turnpike?

Time for Time, Time for Time Travel (Or, Let’s Go: Age of Anxiety)

Before Fichte, Hegel, Schelling, Kant, or the seminal German Idealist thinkers to come, there was the Greek thinker Parmenides. Before preemptively striking with questions as to what an ancient Greek thinker has anything to do with Bob Dylan, The Band, The Basement Tapes, and the subterranean American mythography they collectively mapped together, we must address a question as ancient as philosophy and metaphysics itself: how does one define and describe the problem of identity? For Parmenides, the statement came in the form of "thought and being are the same," with, as the nonpareil Heidegger translator Joan Stambaugh elucidates in her introduction to the first English translation of Heidegger’s Identity and Difference, "a radicality and simplicity perhaps never again possible for later thinkers." Martin Heidegger, arguably the most significant Western thinker of the twentieth century, had long contemplated Parmenides’ statement, continually returning to it again in his writings. Indeed, Heidegger considered Identity and Difference "to be the most important thing he ha[d] published" since his landmark work of phenomenology Being and Time. In the latter, Heidegger’s primary concern was with the essential problem of man and Being, the ontological ur-mystery he approached systematically with his notion of Da-Sein (an analytic of the meaning of man toward a temporalized horizon of understanding through Being).

Anyone who has even a cursory familiarity with Being and Time understands the painstaking and unique methodology employed to come asymptotically closer to an understanding of Da-Sein (literally, being-there) as a form of being about whose being it is concerned, that is, human being. With Identity and Difference, however, Heidegger sought to ask, and, transitively, delineate the elusive and eliding relation of human identity to Being as "that very ‘relation’ itself as the relation of man and Being." As Stambaugh brilliantly notes in her introduction, "In the history of Western philosophy, identity was at first thought of as unity, as the unity of a thing with itself…[as] Heidegger remarks, it took philosophy two thousand years to formulate the problem of identity in its fully developed form as mediation and synthesis. With Leibnitz and Kant preparing the way, the German Idealists Fichte, Hegel, and Schelling place identity in the center of their thought on the foundation of transcendental reflection. These thinkers are not concerned with the simple unity of a thing with itself, but with the mediated syntheses of subject and object, of subjectivity and objectivity as such…the principle of identity A=A becomes reformulated by Fichte as I=I…" Stambaugh, who was perhaps Heidegger’s star pupil and the inheritor of the torch toward becoming his undisputed translator from German to English par excellence, succinctly notes the ambitious genius with which Heidegger broached the seemingly insurmountable peak of codifying identity in a philosophico-phenomenological sense – "Heidegger conceives the problem of identity as in such a fundamental way that what is ‘identical,’ Being and man, can only be thought from the nature of identity itself…[he] questions Parmenides’ statement that thought and Being are the same, interpreting the statement to mean: Being belongs – together with thought – into the Same. A=A has become A is (transitively) A, and the ‘is’ now takes on the meaning of belonging together. Heidegger understands the ‘is’ in identity as the relation of belonging together, and it is this new meaning of identity which concerns him…" By originating from the ground zero of identity rather than some subset of Being, Heidegger’s project is nothing less than a plosive revaluation of how we navigate the complexities and currents that flow between the "I" and the "Other," and it is precisely this exciting idea that found its way, through the Zyklon-dreams and mushroom night terrors of generations, across the elastically warped arc of time, onto the thin red line where Dylan and the Hawks faced the abyss, that stage at the Royal Albert Hall, between what was once an oversimplified subject-object divide. What Dylan and the Hawks (later The Band) left in their wake was the wreckage of soothing leftist syllogisms about justice and poverty and social forces, and, in their place, a new Age of Electric was born – loud, to be sure – but undeniably of that moment whose penumbra has expanded like the circumferential surface of a bubble into an Age of Anxiety.

The Age of Anxiety was not an inevitability in evolutionary terms, but it has become an accident of it. Once upon a time the determined hunter-gatherer expended enormous quantities of energy and effort, organically emblazoned onto the fabric of his reality, struggling to survive, his fight-or-flight instinctive core enabling him to learn through an imperative of action. Time passed. Empires rose and soon enough crumbled into what American vernacular has deemed "the dustbin of history," and, almost without warning, the twentieth century – the hundred years of solitude that paradoxically signifies both erasure and enlightenment – arrived. The necessities of "mere" survival spiraled outward, and the advent of comfort-technologies and a decadent leisure culture created a new psychic space for anxiety to flourish and conquer. Against the magnificently public crises, plagues, bombings, bomb threats, coups, holocausts, and hellstorms, the individual learned to frame her private dramatized affairs within the frieze of any given geopolitical nightmare scenario, and, suddenly, the most trivial event had come to belong to a dangerous equation where, much like the folk faithful's "art = life" expression, the coincidences and unities that had in ages past animated a search, given value to the human being's sacred quest for higher forms, had degenerated into insomnia and infomercials. In his collection of essays spanning nearly twenty years (1975-1993), titled, appropriately enough, The Dustbin of History, Marcus offers what must stand as one of the finest recent introductions to a work of nonfiction. He begins with a personal history familiar enough to any Southerner, probably any American, the tragic and bizarre case of posthumously published Pulitzer-winner John Kennedy Toole. As most readers surely know, the "hero of the book was one Ignatius Reilly, a joyous paranoid who goes to movies solely to be outraged; a scholar of Boethius for whom the whole of the modern world is a travesty confirming his mission as a holy fool and gnostic prophet…who stalks the streets of New Orleans with a sword and a shield, dreaming of leading ‘many protest marches complete with traditional banners and posters, but these would say, "End the Middle Class," "The Middle Class Must Go." I am not above tossing a small Molotov cocktail or two, either.’ " That Ignatius Reilly now more than ever reveals an artery-hardened American identity that only became more of a norm in the wake of the book’s publication in 1980 – fifteen years after the author’s suicide and the radioactive dawn of Reaganism and the all-volunteer army – is fairly obvious. Less obvious is the newspaper clipping that haunted Marcus enough to introduce the reader to his Dustbin via the story of a double-structured historical category called, well… John Kennedy Toole. Marcus writes: "Four years later, on 15 January 1984, San Francisco Examiner staff writers Charles C. Hardy and John Jacobs filed this report on the looming New Hampshire presidential primary:
Hanover, N.H. – One would think that the Democratic National Convention was being held this week at the old Hanover Inn here at Dartmouth College rather than six months from now in San Francisco.
On the eve of today’s televised debate on public television between the eight major Democratic presidential candidates, this elegant old inn was buzzing with ramrod straight Secret Service agents, hordes of media workers with multicolored identification tags around their necks and, here and there, a certified presidential candidate.
As the candidates talked to a crowd of reporters in a large room with antique chests, sedate sofas and brass chandeliers, a lonely, well-dressed man paced outside the hotel carrying a yellow sign that read: "Why Won’t the Democrats Let Toole Debate? What Are They Afraid Of?"
The man holding the sign, John Kennedy Toole, a 39-year-old New Yorker, said he is running for president to call attention to the 2 million homeless in this country "who are out in the cold."
"The criterion for being part of this debate," he told the only reporter in sight, "seems to be national media coverage. Nowhere in the Constitution does it say that."
"No one will talk to me. I’d much rather do that than stand out here holding this sign in the cold, you understand."

Describing his alarm at this pairing of Toole(s) into one moment, Marcus writes that "[i]f this was not the John Kennedy Toole who wrote A Confederacy of Dunces…then it was someone who had read the book and, honoring its author by taking his name, had decided to act it out." The implications of the event, nearly any rational person would wager are, at best, trivial and inconsequential, coincidences hanging from two random threads through time. And yet, all of this dustbin dust – it seems to want to mean more than we could ever describe. The questions at stake suddenly inflate to gigantic proportions. Has a psychical change in our relationship to individual identities in history precluded our chances for regaining the organic holisms and unities promised and present in great art, events, and performances? Are those same holisms and unities just imaginary dust clouds in our readings – close or loose – of history? The answers are arguably unattainable, but they are powerful enough for analyses such as those of Marcus’, whether in The Dustbin of History or The Old, Weird America. He notes that the Toole(s) story "crystallized the suspicion and worry…that our sense of history, as it takes shape in everyday culture, is cramped, impoverished, and debilitating; that the commonplace assumption that history exists only in the past is a mystification powerfully resistant to any critical investigations that might reveal the assumption to be a fraud, or a jail. The suspicion is that we are living out history, making it and unmaking it – forgetting it, denying it – all of the time, in far more ways than we have really learned."

How Am I Not Myself?
Returning to that fateful stage and night at the Royal Albert Hall, armed with at least the beginnings of a more defined idea of what sorts of identities were and continue to be at stake, it is instructive is to consider two key German words Heidegger employs in order to distinguish amongst differences in identity as an equation with Being. Stambaugh notes that Heidegger "characterizes this difference as the difference between Overwhelming and Arrival. The difference grants a "Between" in which the Overwhelming of Being and the arrival in beings are held toward each other and yet held apart. This Between is perdurance." The German word Heidegger uses for this phenomenon is Austrag, a word that literally translates as "carrying out" or "holding out." Already the pieces of the puzzles start to coalesce when one considers that "Between" – on the one hand, the literal physical space separating the event of the performance from the spectators and audience, and, on the other, the distance and difference of what Heidegger would name (in German) the Ereignis, a word that, in English, translates as the event of appropriation. The word Ereignis is a derivation of another essential German word for the purposes of this discussion – er-eignen – a word that, serendipitiously, means to "come into one’s own," to claim an authentic and existential ownership of an event unto oneself.

Let us return to Dylan and the Hawks and the abyss and the excitement. Marcus warns that a "complete dissolution of art into life is present in such a point of view: the poor are art because they sing their lives without mediation and without reflection, without the false consciousness of capitalism and the false desires of advertising. As they live in an organic community – buttressed, almost to this present day, from the corrupt outside world – any song belongs to all and none belongs to anyone in particular. This is not the singer who sings the song but the song that sings the singer, and therefore in performance it is the singer, not the song, that is the aesthetic artifact, the work of art. In a perfect world, in the future, everyone will live this way." But this is not what happened, not in the least. Everyone made private and painful choices precisely not to live this way, and the reactionary backlash (a term all too common amongst contemporary political currency) has reverberated since Dylan and the Hawks left the stage that fate-full spring night. And is spring merely a season by which we calculate the ineluctable modalities of the visible, of the olfactory, to steal a non-melodic phraseology from James Joyce? Heidegger says this: "In the event of appropriation vibrates the active nature of what speaks as language, which at one time was called the house of Being.

‘Principle of identity’ means now: "a spring demanded by the essence of identity because it needs that spring if the belonging together of men and Being is to attain the essential light of appropriation." And just what exactly is that light? The stage-lights the camera captures roving around onstage at Newcastle or the Royal Albert Hall? The light of electroshock therapy that Dylan and the Hawks tear into with the second halves of the sets they played in the U.K.? Surely, surely, the answer is more complex than any of that. Again, the thinker, the German, the one-time National Socialist party member Heidegger: "The event of appropriation is that realm, vibrating within itself, through which man and Being reach each other in their nature, achieve their active nature by losing those qualities which metaphysics has endowed them…assuming we could look forward to the possibility that the frame – the mutual challenge of man and Being to enter the calculation of what is calculable – were to address us as the event of appropriation which first surrenders man and Being to their own being…" And yet Heidegger, clear as he may be in his attempt at an unconcealed thinking, still somehow misses the mark, or, rather, his mark is the technological framework that is always already happening around man, everywhere and all at once and so close that its shock is a subspecies of afterthought. He writes that what we experience "in the frame as the constellation of Being and man through the modern world of technology is a prelude to what we call the event of appropriation." In other words, "Play it fucking loud," because if no one can hear the music, the performance might as well never have happened. - K.W. Graves

Friday, September 08, 2006

The Noontide of Nihilism

Nietzsche, Toward an Outline on European Nihilism:
1. Nihilism stands at the door: whence comes this uncanniest of all guests? Point of departure: it is an error to consider "social distress" or "physiological degeneration" or, worse, corruption, as the cause of nihilism. Ours is the most decent and compassionate age. Distress, whether of the soul, body, or intellect, cannot of itself give birth to nihilism (i.e., the radical repudiation of value, meaning, and desirability). Such distress always permits a variety of interpretations. Rather: it is in one particular interpretation, the Christian-moral one, that nihilism is rooted.

2. The end of Christianity--at the hands of its own morality (which cannot be replaced), which turns against the Christian God (the sense of truthfulness, developed highly by Christianity, is nauseated by the falseness and mendaciousness of all Christian interpretations of the world and of history; rebound from "God is truth" to the fanatical faith "All is false"; Buddhism of action).

3. Skepticism regarding morality is what is decisive. The end of the moral interpretation of the world, which no longer has any sanction after it has tried to escape into some beyond, leads to nihilism. "Everything lacks meaning" (the untenability of one interpretation of the world, upon which a tremendous amount of energy has been lavished, awakens the suspicion that all interpretations of the world are false). Buddhistic tendency, yearning for Nothing. (Indian Buddhism is not the culmination of a thoroughly moralistic development; its nihilism is therefore full of morality that is not overcome: existence as punishment, existence construed as error, error thus as a punishment--a moral valuation.) Philosophical attempts to overcome the "moral God" (Hegel, pantheism). Overcoming popular ideals: the sage; the saint; the poet. The antagonism of "true" and "beautiful" and "good".

4. Against "meaninglessness" on the one hand, against moral value judgments on the other: to what extent has all science and philosophy so far been influenced by moral judgments? and won't this net us the hostility of science? Or an antiscientific mentality? Critique of Spinozism. Residues of Christian value judgments are found everywhere in socialistic and positivistic systems. A critique of Christian morality is still lacking

5. The nihilistic consequences of contemporary natural science (together with its attempts to escape into some beyond). The industry of its pursuit eventually leads to self-disintegration, opposition, an antiscientific mentality. Since Copernicus man has been rolling from the center toward X.*

6. The nihilistic consequences of the ways of thinking in politics and economics, where all "principles" are practically histrionic: the air of mediocrity, wretchedness, dishonesty, etc. Nationalism. Anarchism, etc. Punishment. The redeeming class and human being are lacking--the justifiers.

7. The nihilistic consequences of historiography and of the "practical historians," i.e., the romantics. The position of art: its position in the modern world absolutely lacking in originality. Its decline into gloom. Goethe's allegedly Olympian stance.

8. Art and the preparation of nihilism: romanticism (the conclusion of Wagner's Nibelungen).

"Skepticism regarding morality is what is decisive." I wonder about that.